The Bologna experience shows that coming together and organising is the only way to answer to the casualisation of the working conditions and of life itself. In other words, the winning tool is always the same, even in an economy that claims to be “new”!
The contractual power of these platforms actually results from the exclusivity of the employment relationship with each courier (recruitment, the handling of a delivery, payment: they all take place through an app). As such, every worker interacts only with the platform and not with the other riders. In fact, some platforms like Glovo use a ranking system that puts riders in competition with each other.
Read more from Cipo Fraioli
The responsibility of government is not to balance the budget but to balance the economy by moving it to full employment. This duty should be the guiding principle for macroeconomic policy, but has been set-aside in recent years. The reigning political ideology of the past seven years has twisted economic policy into a method by which to undermine the state and erode the social infrastructure that the majority of the public depend on.
It is time we move from a period of austerity to one of public investment with a focus on developing an economy that produces well-paid jobs. Read more from Malcolm Sawyer
by Callum Cant
Official strike statistics do not sufficiently describe worker resistance in food platforms. The workers have irregular employment status, and they tend to use informal strikes and protest tactics. This makes data collection based on formal trade unionism ineffective. We can assume that the bosses of food platforms are collecting private statistics of some kind, but these are not accessible to workers. As a result, working class knowledge of the scale of resistance has, so far, remained both local and partial. But a process of worker-to-worker communication can overcome this isolation. Lots of different local areas of knowledge can be collectively developed into a big picture.
This research project aimed to facilitate that communication. The participants were all workers and supporters involved in a European food platform network covering seven countries: the UK, Netherlands, Germany, Spain, Belgium, France and Italy. The members of this network were asked to report their own strikes and protests. These reports had three elements: a description, an estimate of the number of workers involved, and links to media coverage or discussion by participants. The reports were then added to a collectively-edited timeline, which provided the information for an independent dataset on worker resistance.
Notes on an inquiry of the cleaning sector in London and grassroots resistance by
Achille Marotta, Lydia Hughes
The cleaners’ struggle at the London School of Economics (LSE) had a resounding effect on the radical and trade union left. How could it not? The cleaners seemed to reverse history, beating the tide of precarity and outsourcing ‘at a time of stigmatization of migrant workers and weakening of trade unions’. After ten months of campaigning with United Voices of the World (UVW) – including seven strike days, several demonstrations, and two occupations – the cleaners not only achieved their demands of equal terms and conditions with in-house staff, but forced the LSE to employ them directly.
The struggle was spectacular, in every sense of the word. Black, migrant, precarious workers rebelled against exploitation and invisibility in the belly of the neoliberal beast. It was their turn to speak – and they did so outside of Unison and the official trade union recognition agreement. The student-run Justice for Cleaners campaign helped to organise this spectacle, which publicly shamed the university and disrupted its day-to-day functioning. This was the winning tactic. But however many solidarity breakfasts we organised, however long we spent on the picket line, we maintained a feeling of cluelessness. This turned into an awareness that the picket line – the spectacle – was only half of the story.
After decades of incremental reduction in working time, recent years have shown signs of a reversed evolution. In response, the labour movement has reasserted its historic aim gradually to reduce working time. This guide aims to contribute to this debate by discussing why working time reduction can be desirable and how it can be organised.
Paper by Stan de Spiegelaere and Agnieszka Piasne
By Robert Pollin, Heidi Garrett-Peltier, and Jeannette Wicks-Lim
This study examines the benefits of large-scale green energy investments for New York
State. It also proposes a policy framework for supporting such investments throughout
Large-scale clean energy investments throughout New York State can advance two fundamental goals:
1. Promoting global climate stabilization by reducing carbon dioxide (CO2) emissions and
other greenhouse gas emissions.
2. Expanding good job opportunities throughout the state.
Reducing CO2 Emissions
The specific aim for clean energy investments will be to achieve, by 2030, a 50 percent
reduction below the 1990 level in all human-caused carbon dioxide (CO2) emissions in
New York State.
This translates into a CO2 emissions level of 100 million tons by 2030.
Current emissions are at 170 million tons. The emissions reduction by 2030 therefore
will need to be 40 percent relative to current levels.
CO2 emissions will fall due to reduced consumption of oil, coal and natural gas in
the state. The cuts in natural gas consumption will also support major reductions in
Major Areas of Clean Energy Investments
Energy Efficiency. Dramatically improving energy efficiency standards in New York’s
stock of buildings, automobiles and public transportation systems, and industrial production
Clean Renewable Energy. Dramatically expanding the supply of clean renewable
energy sources—primarily wind, solar, and geothermal power—available at competitive
prices to all sectors of New York State’s economy.
Job Creation through Clean Energy Investments
Making the large-scale investments in clean energy projects capable of achieving the 50
percent emissions reduction target by 2030 will generate between 145,000 and 160,000
jobs per year in the state.
New job opportunities will be created in a wide range of areas, including construction,
sales, management, electrical assembly, engineering, and office support.