Amanda Page-Hoongrajok, Shouvik Chakraborty, Robert Pollin have developed a green growth plan for Costa Rica that would eliminate demand for fossil fuels, creat good jobs, reduce energy costs and give back local control of the economy. “In its essentials, our green growth plan consists of two elements: large-scale annual investments in both energy efficiency and clean renewable energy. Through these investments, low-cost, domestically-produced clean energy will steadily supplant imported fossil fuels, with the target being that by 2050, clean energy sources will have replaced fossil fuels entirely in Puerto Rico. This green growth program is capable of delivering much lower energy costs on the island, while also steadily reducing, and finally eliminating altogether, its dependence on fossil fuel imports. The green growth program will also be a major new source of job opportunities and will create widespread opportunities for small-scale ownership forms to flourish within the island’s energy sector. Major debt write-downs will be necessary to enable the green growth program to move forward at a significant scale.”
A strike by Deliveroo workers London in the summer of 2016 was the first sign that food delivery platform workers were capable of mass collective action. The strike spread from Deliveroo to UberEats, and then around the UK. A year on, that struggle has spread transnationally. Food delivery platform workers have now been on strike in over ten cities across the UK, Italy, France, Spain and Germany.
Their struggles have both won victories and faced serious setbacks, but the fact remains that a transnational movement of precarious labour has emerged from what appeared to be the most unlikely of circumstances. Workers who were supposed to be weak and powerless have spread their antagonism with capital across borders in militant, unmediated action. This transnational circulation of struggle provides an example of how the changing composition of the working class can provide new opportunities, even as it demolishes old certainties.
British Labour has a hard look at changing ownership models in this report:
Why alternative ownership models are needed
Increased automation in the economy
Different models of alternative ownership
b) Municipal and locally-led ownership
c) National ownership
The economic system in Britain, in its current guise, has a number of fundamental structural flaws that undermine economic strength and societal well-being. The predominance of private property ownership has led to a lack of long-term investment and declining rates of productivity, undermined democracy, left regions of the country economically forgotten, and contributed to increasing levels inequality and financial insecurity. Alternative forms of ownership can fundamentally address these problems.
These issues are all the more pronounced given the increasing levels of automation in our economy. Automation has an emancipatory potential for the country’s population, but the liberating possibilities of automation can only be realised – and the threats of increased unemployment and domination of capital over labour only countered – through new models of collective ownership that ensure that the prospective benefits of automation are widely shared and democratically governed.
Further discussion here
The statutory minimum wage has significantly improved job quality and work satisfaction of low-paid employees in Germany.note that hourly as well as gross wages increased after its introduction despite a drop in working time. Although jobs of minimum wage employees have become more demanding, workers have also reported a more motivational management style, an improved atmosphere among colleagues, and a better work-life-balance. Raising the lowest wages appears to have led firms to increase the workload on the one hand, and to focus on motivating employees on the other.
Changes in job quality and happiness of minimum wage workers in comparison to the control group.
Happier, more motivated, more productive
Our results indicate that firms reacted to the introduction of the minimum wage in Germany by compressing work on the one hand, and improving the at-work atmosphere on the other. This made it possible to upgrade low-paid jobs through re-organization and to better utilize human potential. Employees appear to have appreciated their jobs becoming more demanding while their work conditions improved.
An assessment of minimum wages thus needs to look beyond the macroeconomic employment effects. At company and individual level our findings point to higher job quality and increased happiness as a result of raising the lowest wages.
Today’s dominant story, told by the Federal Reserve, the media, and many prominent economists, is that the economy has recovered from the recession and is growing about as fast as it can without overheating. This outlook has led the Fed to increase interest rates four times since December 2015, ending the historically low rates it maintained for nearly a decade. As evidence that the economy is at potential—i.e. is utilizing all productive labor, capital, and resources—many cite the unemployment rate of 4.3 percent. This is the lowest it has been since 2001, and it’s expected to continue falling, although inflation remains below the Fed’s 2 percent target.
However, Roosevelt Fellow J. W. Mason, among others, questions the premise that we have achieved full employment and GDP is currently at potential. In this report, we show that output in 2016 remains well below pre-recession expectations. Low demand and reduced investment, he argues, have kept labor and capital on the sidelines. To achieve the kind of high pressure economy that promotes investment, raises wages, and increases work force participation, the Fed should pursue much more expansionary policy.
The new ETUI book Myths of employment deregulation does just this, with a focus on nine EU member states. The book shows that deregulation was not a significant factor affecting employment levels, and that it was in fact accompanied by increases, rather than cuts, in the numbers of workers in insecure forms of employment.
The experiences of the nine chosen countries show that other factors were far more important than job protection reforms for employment levels. However, lowering protection for workers has exacerbated the shift towards non-standard forms of employment.
This takes different forms depending on the country (as shown in Figure 3) but, more importantly, the growth in precarious employment has been particularly acute in countries where permanent workers have some of the lowest levels of protection. This is the opposite of what the reforms promised to achieve.